operated permanently in its
shadows. Few Americans knew what he did or even knew his name. Sally had
died of breast cancer ten years earlier, and the heady days of big
defense spending were long gone. The industry had been devastated,
thousands of workers laid off, the entire California economy thrown into
turmoil. More important, Elliott believed America was weaker today than
she had been in years. The world was a dangerous place. Saddam Hussein
had proven that. So had a terrorist armed with a single Stinger missile.
Elliott wanted to protect his country. If a terrorist could shoot down a
jetliner and kill two hundred people, why couldn't a rogue state like
North Korea or Libya or Iran kill two million people by firing a nuclear
missile against New York or Los Angeles? The civilized world had placed
its faith in treaties and ballistic-missile control regimes. Mitchell
Elliott reserved faith for the Almighty, and he did not believe in
promises written on paper. He believed in machines. He believed the only
way to protect the nation from exotic weapons was with more exotic
weapons. Tonight, he had to make his case to the President. Elliott's
relationship with James Beckwith had been cemented by years of steady
financial support and wise counsel. Elliott had never once asked for a
favor, even when Beckwith became a powerful force on the Armed Services
Committee during his second term in the Senate. That was all about to
change. One of his aides knocked gently at the door. His phalanx of
aides was drawn from the ranks of the Special Forces. Mark Calahan was
like all the others. He was six feet in height--tall enough to be
imposing but not so tall as to dwarf Elliott--short dark hair, dark
eyes, clean-shaven, dark suit and tie. Each carried a .45 automatic at
all times. Elliott had made many enemies along with his millions, and he
never set foot in public without protection. "The car is here, Mr.
Elliott."
"I'll be down in a minute."
The aide nodded and silently withdrew. Elliott drifted closer to the
fire and finished the last of his whiskey. He didn't like being sent
for. He would leave when he was ready to leave, not when Paul Vandenberg
told him. Vandenberg would still be selling life insurance if it weren't
for Elliott. And as for Beck-with, he would have been an unknown San
Francisco lawyer, living in Redwood City instead of the White House.
They both could wait. Elliott walked slowly to the bar and poured
another half inch of whiskey into the glass. He went back to the fire
and knelt before it, head bowed, eyes closed. He prayed for
forgiveness--forgiveness for what he had done and for what he was about
to do. "We are your chosen people," he murmured. "I am your instrument.
Grant me the strength to do your will, and greatness shall be yours."
SUSANNA DAYTON felt like an idiot. Only in movies did reporters sit in
parked cars, drinking coffee from a Styrofoam cup, conducting
surveillance like some private investigator. When she left the office an
hour earlier, she had not told her editor where she was going. It was
just a hunch, and it might lead to nothing. The last thing she wanted
her colleagues to know was that she was tailing Mitchell Elliott like a
B-movie sleuth. Rain blurred her view. She flicked a switch on the
steering column, and wipers swept away the water. She scrubbed away the
moisture on the inside of the windshield with a napkin from the downtown
deli where she bought the coffee. The black staff car was still there,
engine idling, headlights off. Upstairs, on the second floor of the
large house, a single light burned. She sipped the coffee and waited. It
was awful, but at least it was hot. Susanna Dayton had been White House
correspondent for The Washington Post, the pinnacle of power and
prestige in the world of American journalism, but Susanna had loathed
the job. She hated filing, every day, essentially the same story that
two hundred other reporters