filed. She hated being herded around like
cattle by the White House press staff, shouting questions at President
Beckwith from rope lines at staged and choreographed events. Her writing
took on an edge. Vandenberg complained regularly to top management at
the Post. Finally, her editor offered her a new beat, money and
politics. Susanna took it without hesitation. The new assignment was her
salvation. She was to find out which individuals, organizations, and
industries were giving money to which candidates and which parties. Did
the contributions have an undue effect on policy or legislation? Were
the politicians and the givers playing by the rules? Was the money spent
properly? Did anyone break the law? Susanna thrived on the work because
she loved making the connections. A Harvard-trained lawyer, she was a
thorough and cautious reporter. She applied the rules of evidence to
virtually every scrap of information she uncovered. Would it be
admissible in a court of law? Is it direct testimony or hearsay? Are
there names, dates, and places in the story that can be checked out? Is
there corroborating testimony? She preferred documents rather than leaks
from anonymous sources, because documents can't change their story.
Susanna Dayton had concluded that the nation's system of financing its
politics amounted to organized bribery and shakedowns, sanctioned by the
federal government. There was a thin line separating legal activity from
illegal activity. She saw it as her task to catch lawbreakers and expose
them. Her personality suited her perfectly to the work. She hated people
who cheated and got away with it. She despised people who cut in line at
the supermarket. She went crazy on the freeway when an aggressive driver
cut into her lane. She loathed people who took shortcuts at the expense
of others. Her job was to make sure they didn't get away with it. Two
months earlier, Susanna's editor had given her a tough assignment:
Chronicle the longtime relationship, financial and personal, between
President James Beckwith and Mitchell Elliott, the chairman of Alatron
Defense Systems. Reporters use a cliche when an individual or a group is
elusive and hard to trace: shadowy. If anyone had earned the description
of "shadowy," it was Mitchell Elliott. He had given millions of dollars
to the Republican Party over the years, and a watchdog group had told
her that he had funneled millions more to the party through questionable
or downright illegal means. The main beneficiary of Elliott's generosity
was James Beckwith. Elliott had contributed thousands of dollars to
Beckwith's campaigns and political action committees over the years, and
he had served as a close confidential adviser. One of Elliott's former
executives, Paul Vandenberg, was the White House chief of staff.
Beckwith regularly stayed at Elliott's vacation homes in Maui and Vale.
Susanna had two primary questions: Had Mitchell Elliott made illegal
contributions to James Beckwith and the Republican Party over the years?
And did he exercise undue influence over the President? At this point
she had answers to neither question. Her editor wanted to publish the
piece two weeks from now in a special section on President Beckwith and
his first term. She had a good deal of work to do before it would be
ready to go. Even then Susanna knew she could do little more than raise
questions about Elliott and his ties to the White House. Mitchell
Elliott had covered his tracks well. He was completely inaccessible. The
Post photo library had just one ten-year-old picture of him, and Alatron
Defense Systems didn't even have a spokesman. When she requested an
interview, the man at the other end of the line chuckled mildly and
said, "Mr. Elliott does not make it a habit to talk to reporters."
A source at National Airport told her Elliott had come to Washington
earlier that day aboard his private jet. Congress had adjourned, and
most members had gone