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tellers do not have to invent situations of conflict, for they
are common in the social milieu, just as the colloquial language,
with all its expressive potential, is in the linguistic environment.
The majority of conflicts embodied in the tales have their basis in
the structure of society - and necessarily so, if the tales are to be
accepted as presenting a portrait of that society. The organizing or
orienting principle in Palestinian life is the kinship system, which
defines both social position and roles and modes of interaction. Out
of this stable, conservative ground arise figures in the tales whose
desires put them in conflict with the established order as
represented by the dictates of the kinship system, and who in the
long run must learn to harmonize their separate wills with the will
of the collectivity. Much can be learned about conflict and harmony
simply from contemplating the definition of the Palestinian family,
which is extended, patrilineal, patrilateral, polygynous, endogamous,
and patrilocal. (Unless otherwise indicated, all future reference to
the "extended family" will be to the Palestinian version.)
We consider the elements of this definition as structural patterns
that generate the types of behavior encountered in the tales. By
looking more closely at these elements, then, we can learn something
about the grammar of that behavior.
    The
extended Palestinian family has traditionally had three or more
generations living in close proximity as one economic unit, sharing
all income and expenses, with ultimate authority lying in the hands
of the patriarch who heads it. It is patrilineal because descent is
traced through the father, patrilateral because only the relatives on
the father's side are considered relatives in the formal system of
relationship, and patrilocal
    because
the wife leaves her own family to live with that of her husband. The
criterion of endogamy permits a male to marry his (patrilateral
parallel) first cousin, while that of polygyny allows him, under
certain conditions, to marry more than one wife.
    Patrilineality
and patrilaterality define social identity for the patriarch's
descendants, providing them with a ready-made basis for interacting
with others, both inside the family and outside. The patrilineal bond
is the foundation on which the whole system is built. Individuals are
rarely ever referred to by their first names: married men with
children are referred to as "Father of So-and-So" (Abu
Flan), women as "Mother of So-and-So" (Imm i-Flan). Three
of our tales have titles derived from this naming system (Tales 27,
33, 45). According to Palestinian practice, a full name need consist
of no more than a person's, name followed by the first name of his or
her father. The oldest son will usually name his firstborn son after
his own father, thereby confirming for the grandfather the continuity
of his line during his lifetime. Indeed, even before they are married
or have children, Palestinian men may still be referred to as "Father
of (name of his own father)" in anticipation of their having
sons. From this practice we conclude that the ideological basis of
the system lies in this father/son bond. With social identity being
by definition masculine, the female is simply defined out of it. If
"self" is ipso facto male, then the female becomes the
Other - the outsider or stranger. Thus, for the female, conflict is
inherent in the structure of the system. We shall explore female
Otherness in relation to several aspects of the extended family, but
first let us focus on conflictual situations arising out of the
general characteristics given above.
    Polygyny
serves as a good example of the dialogue we are establishing between
the tales and the culture. It is one thing to state simply and
objectively that the society is polygynous and completely different
to observe how polygyny is treated in the tales, where its direct or
implied occurrence (Tales 3, 5, 6, 7, 9, 20, 28, 30, 35, 44) is
greatly out of