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maintain anonymity about who was, and who was not, an interview respondent. Some people were unconcerned with this. Others were highly concerned.
    In the text, in addition to the standard protection of changing proper nouns, the pseudonyms I use in the narrative sections (prologues) are not consistent between those and the rest of the text. Pseudonyms are consistent across pro- logues but not between prologues and text; for example, “Russ” in the prologue is “Russ” in all other prologues (and in field notes in which his actions would be recognizable to community members). If, however, Russ appeared in the text as a respondent, he would have a different pseudonym. For the same reason, dates that appear in interview excerpts may have been changed. Additionally, I make no mention at all of respondents’ race or ethnicity anywhere in this book, because people of color are so underrepresented in the community that to do otherwise would itself constitute a breach of confidentiality. However, SM identifications (i.e., submissive, dominant, top, bottom) remain true to the identities provided by my respondents at the time.
    Because of these constraints, the people in this book cannot be as richly understood as I would have liked. Ideally, the same people who appear in pro- logues and in field notes—whom the reader “sees” engaged in play—would be recognizable as people whose life stories provide the backdrop for that play and for this book. The relationships between the life stories of the members of this
    community and SM play in Caeden are central to my analysis. I regret that I needed to sacrifice this clarity in order to protect the confidentiality of my interview respondents, whose generosity is the heart of this book.

    LANGUAGE
    I have attempted to convey meanings of perhaps unfamiliar SM jargon within the text, and a glossary is included for reference. However, a few other notes about the linguistic and semantic choices I have made are important at this point.
    I use the term “SM,” rather than the newer and trendier “BDSM” which seeks to blur the distinctions and subsume all SM activity under one overlapping acro- nym (Bondage/Discipline/Dominance/Submission/Sadism/Masochism). “SM” is a frequently used catch-all term, particularly among more veteran members of the scene, but BDSM is also widely used in Caeden.
    “SM” is used in at least two different ways in the community. It is one of the terms used by members of the community to refer to itself and, inclusively, to its activities, along with “BDSM” and, less commonly, “kink.” 12 However, there is a segment of the scene that reserves “SM” for a more specific set of activities, and therefore uses the more obviously inclusive term “BDSM” when referring to the community or to its activities in a general sense.
    Perhaps because it is more popular with newer members of the scene, and pervasive on the Web, I have found the use of the term “BDSM” to engender some suspicion on the part of more veteran scene members. Additionally, in my experience, most people who use the term “SM” broadly are not excluding bondage, discipline, dominance, or submission from their frame of reference, as evidenced by the context in which they use it, as well as by the activities in which they themselves engage on a regular basis. I am, therefore, comfortable using the traditional “SM” to refer to the collection of activities that involve the mutually consensual and conscious use, among two or more people, of pain, power, perceptions about power, or any combination thereof, for psychological, emotional, or sensory pleasure. This definition of SM refers to SM interaction, rather than to either sadism or masochism in the clinical tradition. It also excludes auto- erotic practices that may involve pain or self-induced powerlessness. Further, it differentiates between SM and body modification practices; though piercing, cutting, and branding may be