NonAlignment 2.0: A Foreign and Strategic Policy for India in the 21st Century

Read NonAlignment 2.0: A Foreign and Strategic Policy for India in the 21st Century for Free Online Page B

Book: Read NonAlignment 2.0: A Foreign and Strategic Policy for India in the 21st Century for Free Online
Authors: Sunil Khilnani
led to the progressive neglect of our claims on these areas. This now works to our disadvantage because the LoC is seen as the starting point and an eventual compromise is envisioned in terms of an LoC-plus solution. Reasserting our claims and concerns will not only be a sensible declaratory posture, it will also help counter Pakistan’s claims about Jammu and Kashmir being the ‘core concern’. We should formulate and execute a media plan which puts the problems in these areas continuously in the focus, and place the issue on the agenda of India–Pakistan talks.
    Our presence in Afghanistan is perceived in a negative light by Pakistan. In fact, we could build on this perception. While expressing our willingness to work with Pakistan in the stability and reconstruction of Afghanistan, we should consistently reject any special role for Pakistan in Afghanistan and make it clear that India will work with other partners to prevent the subversion of thegovernment of Afghanistan by Pakistan or its proxies. The evolving situation in Afghanistan, especially after the withdrawal of the Western powers, will pose certain kinds of challenges for the Pakistan Army. In the short run, they may be in a stronger position because of their ability to facilitate talks with some insurgent groups. But in the long run, a diminished American presence and interest in Afghanistan will make it difficult for the Pakistan Army to extract rents from the United States. In such a situation, its interest in preserving its position and resources is likely to increase. This, in turn, may provide us with additional levers to influence its behaviour.
Positive Levers
    The positive levers will aim at once to create incentives for Pakistan to respond to India’s concerns and to prepare the ground for an eventual normalization of relations with Pakistan. These levers will have to be used in conjunction with the negative levers outlined above.
    Our policy of making a comprehensive dialogue conditional upon Pakistan’s action against terrorism has not yielded the desired results. It only provides Pakistan more opportunity to grandstand. Besides, it invests the idea of a comprehensive dialogue with needless symbolism. Indeed,we should work to reduce the symbolic significance of the mere fact of conversation and present it as no more than normal diplomacy.
    Instead of breaking off talks in the event of a major provocation, we should declare that we favour continuation of the dialogue. Our position should be that it is necessary to maintain channels of communication with Pakistan at all levels to ensure that misperceptions and misunderstandings are avoided, and to enable us to convey our redlines without ambiguity. But we should leave Pakistan in no doubt that the actual pace of negotiations would be contingent on its behaviour. Our willingness to engage in discussions will have the added advantage of forestalling external interest and involvement in India–Pakistan relations. This format of engagement may be best used in conjunction with backchannel negotiations and with direct engagement with the Pakistan Army. We could then have multiple tracks and options that could be modulated in keeping with the circumstances.
    We should press for military-to-military exchanges even if there is resistance on the Pakistani side. These could include proposals for sporting exchanges, military educational exchanges, invitations to military exercises, among others. If even some of these succeed, we could open up a regular exchange of personnel and views. Thismay not only come handy in the event of a crisis, but may also help dilute the hostile mindset.
    We also need to adopt policies that will work towards the creation of constituencies in Pakistan that have a stake in peaceful and friendly relations with India. This is admittedly a long-term objective, but we should begin to lay the foundations now. We should start by promoting bilateral trade with Pakistan, by offering greater

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