stress, and intonation. Monolingual varieties of Spanish and English are characterized by different systems of prosodic rhythm, for example. In Spanish, syllables recur at regular temporal intervals and are of roughly the same duration, whereas in English, syllable durations vary. In the case of Spanglish, these systems may meet somewhere in themiddle. Thus, a Spanglish utterance such as â LlovÃa bien fuerte, so me fui , I went homeâ (It was raining really hard, so I left, I went home) may be produced with a Spanish-like rhythm over the differing lexical items, including the words taken from English, with an intermediate pattern, or with two separate systems. This all depends on the speaker and their experiences with both Spanish and English, with some speakers of Spanglish strongly favoring Spanish prosody , others favoring English, and others meeting in the middle.
(ii) The sound system, or phonology . English does not have the voiced alveolar trill [r] in its sound inventory, and although the tap [ɾ] exists in English, as in the word bu tt er, it does not form a minimal pair with another sound and is therefore not used in meaning contrasts. American English speakers may not even be aware they produce the sound, believing instead they are producing [t]. If you produce the word bu tt er with [t] or [ɾ], you don't change the standard meaning of the word, only the pronunciation. Similarly, in Spanish, [ð] exists as an allophone of [d] depending on the phonetic environment, or location relative to other sounds. [d] occurs at the beginning of words and after certain consonants, while [ð] occurs after vowels: diente with [d], versus madre with [ð]. In the case of Spanglish, the phonemic inventory varies from speaker to speaker. While most speakers will use all four phonemes  â [r], [ɾ], [ð], and [d] â they may use them in ways that differ subtly from so-called monolingual varieties of Spanish and English. For example, a Spanglish speaker may say mi diente using the stop [d] rather than the fricative [ð]. Again, this usage is conditioned by the rate of speech, whether the speaker was speaking primarily in English or in Spanish, as well as factors related to the speech event.
(iii) Word formation patterns, how individual words in a language are structured . The term word is not useful in cross-linguistic descriptions, because the way different languages put their words together varies greatly. Instead, linguists speak of word formation patterns in terms of morphology. While English has relatively little inflectional morphology, Spanish has relatively more. For Spanglish, the weight of inflectional morphology is in favor of Spanish, such that any English verb occurring in a Spanish stretch of an utterance will be conjugated according to the Spanish patterns. For example, the English verb âto mopâ may replace the Spanish verb trapear , but will be rendered with Spanish morphology, namely, mopear (- ar is one of the infinitive marking morphemes in Spanish). As often happens when one language starts borrowing a lot of verbs from another language, a default conjugation is chosen. In the case of Spanglish, it tends to be the first conjugation, namely the verbs that end in -ar , and the personal pronoun endings from this conjugation are applied. Accordingly, the borrowed verb janguear âto hang outâ has the following regular forms:
Singular
Plural
First person
yo jangue o
nosotros jangue amos
Second person
tú jangue as
Third person (he/she)
él/ella jangue a
ellos/ellas jangue an
Formal âyouâ
usted jangue a
ustedes jangue an
In addition, when one language starts borrowing a lot of nouns from another language, and if the borrowing language has a gender system, a default gender is oftenchosen for the borrowed words. However, in Spanglish, English nouns are assigned gender sometimes by the phonetic form of the word, for instance, the block becomes el
The Gathering: The Justice Cycle (Book Three)