camera gets a match for a photograph from the database, an
alert is automatically sent to the appropriate authorities. What had
been primarily a psychological deterrent is now a potent anticrime and
investigative tool."
I knew of the existence of the software Tatsu was describing, of
course. It was being tested in certain airports and stadiums,
particularly in the United States, as a way of spotting and preempting
known terrorists. But from what I'd read, the early tests had been
disappointing. Or perhaps that was just disinformation. In any event,
I hadn't known Japan was so far ahead in deployment.
"The cameras are tied to Juki Net?" I asked.
"Possibly," he answered in his dry way.
Juki Net, a vast data snooping and centralization program, went live in
August 2002, perhaps inspired by the U.S. Defense Department's Total
Information Awareness Initiative. Juki Net assigns every Japanese
citizen an eleven-digit identification number, and links that number to
the person's name, sex, address, and date of birth. The government
maintains that no other information will be compiled. Few people
believe that, and there have already been abuses.
I considered. As Tatsu noted, if word got out, the efficacy of the
camera network would be compromised. But there was more.
"Weren't there protests about Juki Net's introduction?" I asked.
He nodded. "Yes. As you may know, the government introduced Juki Net
without passing an accompanying privacy bill. Attempts to do so
belatedly have been less than convincing. In Suginami-ku there is a
boycott. Nonresidents are now seeking to establish an address in that
ward to escape the system's dominion."
Now I understood why the government would take such care to maintain
the secrecy of Juki Net's connection to the network of security
cameras. After all, even if you know it's there, avoiding video
surveillance is hell, so the danger of inadvertently tipping off
criminals would be a marginal problem. The real issue, no doubt, was
the government's fear of the protests that would surely result if the
public were to learn that the announced scope of the system was really
only the tip of the iceberg. If the security cameras were tied
together with Juki Net, people would rightly think they had a serious
Big Brother situation on their hands.
"You can't blame people for not trusting the government on this," I
said. "I read somewhere that, last spring, the defense ministry got
caught creating a database on people who had requested materials under
the new Freedom of Information law, including information on their
political views."
He smiled his sad smile. "When the news broke, someone tried to delete
the evidence."
"I read about that. Didn't the LDP try to suppress a forty-page report
on what had happened?"
This time his smile was wry. "The Liberal Democratic Party officials
involved in the attempted cover-up were punished, of course. They had
their pay docked."
"Now there's a deterrent to future abuses," I said, laughing.
"Especially when you know they were greased with twice what got
docked."
He shrugged. "As a cop, I welcome Juki Net and the camera networks as
a crime-fighting tool. As a citizen, I find it all appalling."
"So why swear me to secrecy on this? Sounds like a few leaks would be
just the thing."
He cocked his head to the side, as though marveling at how my thinking
could be so crude. "If such leaks were timed incorrectly," he said,
'they would be as useless as a powerful but misplaced explosive
charge."
He was telling me he was up to something. He was also telling me not
to ask.
"So you used this network to find me," I said.
"Yes. I kept the mug shots that were taken of you at Metropolitan
Police Headquarters when you were detained after the incident outside
of Yokosuka naval base. I had these photographs fed into the computer
so that the network could look for you. I instructed the technicians
to focus their initial efforts on Osaka.