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for the new nation. Its identification with the imperial family also meant that the spread of Buddhism helped spread acceptance of imperial authority. Moreover, and very importantly, it conferred a degree of Chinese-style dignity and civilisation on the newly emerging state. 47
    Japan did very much want to be taken seriously. This was not just as a deterrent against possible further invasion. It was a genuine wish to achieve the best, to become a strong nation. To this end it was soon to adopt a range of Chinese practices, till eventually it could feel it had outdone China and had nothing left to learn. Here again we see an early example of the incorporation of the strengths of others, combined with a willingness to learn and emulate.
    During much of Japan’s Kofun period China was not at its strongest. In fact, it was in considerable turmoil, with a multiplicity of changing power-bases and dynasties between the end of the Late Han period in 220 and the start of the T’ang in 618. For some of this time the country was divided into the three kingdoms of Wei, Wu, and Shu Han.
    The Korean peninsula, which was generally the closest point of ‘foreign’ contact for Japan, was also characterised by the coexistence of three major kingdoms between 300 and 668. These were Paekche and Silla in the south, and Koguryo (from which the modern name Korea derives) in the north. Wedged between Silla and Paekche there was also a small area called Kaya (Mimana in Japanese), which was a confederation of some half-dozen chiefdoms or minor kingdoms.
    The
Nihon Shoki
treats Kaya as a Japanese colony, but this is unlikely. 48 So too is the claimed invasion of Silla by the legendary ‘Empress’ Jing, a fourth-century shaman-ruler. Many aspects of Japan’s relations with these Korean kingdoms are unclear, but its relations with both Kaya and Paekche were generally strong and beneficial. Japan benefited not only from the introduction of writing and Buddhism but also from access to valuable sources of iron ore.
    Its relations with Silla were not so good, and as Silla rose to dominance on the Korean peninsula from the mid-sixth century Japan’s involvement there waned. A century or so later, the very survival of Paekche was under threat, and in 663 the Paekche rulers requested assistance from Yamato Japan against attack from a combined force from Silla and T’ang China. Japan responded promptly, and sent a large fleet of some 800 ships but despite numerical supremacy was badly defeated at the mouth of the Geum River, in what is known as the Battle of Baekgang, through a combination of poor tactics and poor vessels – the latter quite surprising for an island nation. 49 Silla then went on to establish control over the Korean peninsula, bringing the period of the Three Kingdoms to an end a few years later. Fortunately for the new Yamato rulers, Silla does not seem to have been interested in following up its victory by attempting to invade Japan – though the Japanese did take the precaution of building a fortified defensive base in north Kysh, known as the Dazaifu, which was to become an important centre over the next few centuries.
    Japan’s emulation of China was particularly seen in the activities of Ymei’s second son, Prince Shtoku (Shtoku Taishi, 574–622), who was half Soga by blood. Probably the best-known figure of those times, from 594 till his death in 622 Shtoku was regent under Empress Suiko (r.593–628). He greatly contributed not only to the promotion of Buddhism by the building of numerous temples but to the promotion of all things Chinese. Among other things he was responsible for re-establishing missions to a now reunified China, and for introducing the Chinese-style ‘cap rank’ system in which, as the name suggests, the rank of officials was indicated by their hat.
    Shtoku is also credited with drawing up the so-called Seventeen Article Constitution of 604, which was intended to strengthen central government. It had a