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sense of American optimisms,
    (Shafir, Ambiguous Relations, 302 - 4; Berenbaum, After Tragedy, 14)
    46 Seymour Martin Lipset and Earl Raab, Jews and the New American Scene (Cambridge 1995), 159.
    47 Novick, The Holocaust, 166.
    48 Lipset and Raab, Jews, 26 - 7.
    49 Charles Silberman, A Certain People (New York: 1985), 78, 80, 81.
    50 Novick, The Holocaust, 170-2.
    51 Arnold Forster and Benjamin R. Epstein, The New Anti-Semitism (New York: 1974, 107.
    52 Jean-Paul Sartre, Anti-Semite and Jew (New York 1965), 28.
    53 Saidel, Never Too Late, 222. Seth Mnookin, "Will NYPD Look to Los Angeles For Latest
    'Sensitivity' Training?" in Forward (7 January 2000). The article reports that the ADL and Simon
    Wiesenthal Center are vying for the franchise on programs teaching "tolerance."
    54 Noam Chomsky, Pirates and Emperors (New York 19S6), 29 - 30 (Rubmstein).
    55 For a survey of recent poll data confirming this trend, see Murray Friedman, "Are American Jews
    Moving to the Right?" in Commentary (April 2000). In the 1997 New York City mayoral contest
    pitting Ruth Messinger, a mainstream Democrat, against Rudolph Giuliani, a law-and-order
    Republican, for example, fully 75% of the Jewish vote went for Giuliani. Significantly, to vote for
    Giuliani, Jews had to cross traditional party as well as ethnic lines (Messinger is Jewish).
    56 It seems that the shift was also in part due to the displacement of a cosmopolitan Central European
    Jewish leadership by arriviste and shtetl chauvinist Jews of Eastern European descent like New York
    City mayor Edward Koch and New York Times executive editor A.M. Rosenthal. In this regard it bears
    notice that the Jewish historians dissenting from Holocaust dogmatism have typically come from
    Central Europe — for example, Hannah Arendt, Henry Friedlander, Raul Hilberg, and Arno Mayer.
    57 See, e.g., Jack Salzman and Cornel West (eds), Strangers in the Promised Land (New York: 1997),
    esp. chaps 6, 8, 9, 14, 15. (Kaufman at 111; Greenberg at 166) To be sure, a vocal minority of Jews
    dissented from this rightward drift.
    58 Nathan Perlmutter and Ruth Ann Perlmutter, The Real Anti-Semitism in America (New York:
    1982).
    59 Novick, The Holocaust , 173 (Podhoretz)
    The Holocaust Industry: CAPITALIZING THE HOLOCAUST
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    The Holocaust Industry: CAPITALIZING THE HOLOCAUST
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    Chapter 2
    HOAXERS, HUCKSTERS AND HISTORY
    "Holocaust awareness," the respected Israeli writer Boas Evron observes, is actually "an official,
    propagandistic indoctrination, a churning out of slogans and a false view of the world, the real aim of
    which is not at all an understanding of the past, but a manipulation of the present." In and of itself, the
    Nazi holocaust does not serve any particular political agenda. It can just as easily motivate dissent
    from as support for Israeli policy. Refracted through an ideological prism, however, "the memory of
    the Nazi extermination" came to serve — in Evron's words — "as a powerful tool in the hands of the
    Israeli leadership and Jews abroad. 1 The Nazi holocaust became The Holocaust.
    Two central dogmas underpin the Holocaust framework: (1) The Holocaust marks a categorically
    unique historical event; (2) The Holocaust marks the climax of an irrational, eternal Gentile hatred of
    Jews. Neither of these dogmas figured at all in public discourse before the June 1967 war; and,
    although they became the centerpieces of Holocaust literature, neither figures at all in genuine
    scholarship on the Nazi holocaust. 2 On the other hand, both dogmas draw on important strands in
    Judaism and Zionism.
    In the aftermath of World War II, the Nazi holocaust was not cast as a uniquely Jewish — let alone a
    historically unique — event. Organized American Jewry in particular was at pains to place it in a
    universalist context.