be understood against the background of the well-documented consensus which now accepts
that some languages have evolved from others. This was formally first set out in the
late-eighteenth century by a British civil servant and judge in Colonial India, William
Jones, who observed the similarities between Sanskrit and several modern European
languages. * And we know, for example,
that Spanish and French are derived from Latin, which itself developed out of
proto-Italic. 17 In fact, all but a handful of European languages
have evolved from a proto-Indo-European root, meaning that thousands of years ago, many
of the languages from the Atlantic to the Himalayas had a common source. A very similar
exercise has been carried out with the languages of North America. Some of the scenarios
constructed by linguists fit neatly with what we may call the LGM consensus. For example, Robert Dixon, an Australian linguist, has
calculated that a dozen separate groups speaking different languages entered the
Americas between about 20,000 and 12,000 years ago. Daniel Nettle, an English linguist,
on the other hand, argues that the diversity of languages spoken in the New World today
began in the last 12,000 years – i.e., after they arrived in America.
It is fair to say that linguistic research is on less secure grounds than
the genetic or archaeological evidence, for the very good reason that we have no real
way of knowing what languages people spoke in the past, especially before the invention
of writing. The only evidence we have for non-literate societies are the languages
spoken today, their geographical spread across the world, and some idea of how, and at
what rate, languages change or evolve. This is better than nothing but it still means
that our reconstructions of past languages are at best theoretical and at worst
speculative. This is why the field of ‘chronolinguistics’, or
‘glottochronology’, has been so controversial. In all that follows, it is
as well to keep the above observations in mind.
In principle, the operation of comparative linguistics is simple. For
example, the word for ‘two’ in Sanskrit is duvá , in
classical Greek it is duo , in Old Irish it is dó , and in Latin it
is duo . Thousands of similar examples could be given, to underline the point that
specific languages are related. The controversy arises over just how similar languages
have to be in order for them to be regarded as stemming from a common origin. This is a
field divided – notoriously – into ‘lumpers’ and
‘splitters’, where the former favour a relatively small number of language
families spread across the world, and the latter play down these linkages. If we note
here, prominently, that the splitters are every bit as eminent as the lumpers, and that
the splitters’ central message is that very few conclusions may be drawn about
the spread of languages around the world, and that this should be borne in mind in what
follows, we may then proceed to examine what the lumpers say. (It is also worth
reminding ourselves that, in the genetic studies reported above, overlaps were found
between genetics and language, suggesting that the lumpers have at least a case.)
Map 6 shows the major language families of the world, according to Joseph
Greenberg, an American linguist and one of the major (and most controversial)
‘lumpers’. This reveals that there are three major language families in
the New World – Eskimo-Aleut, Na-Dene and Amerind. On the face of it, this would
suggest three waves of migration. Merritt Ruhlen, a linguist/anthropologist from
Stanford University (and also a director of the Santa Fe Institute), in a re-analysis of
Greenberg’s material, suggests that Amerind is a form of the Eurasiatic family,
but whereas Eskimo-Aleut is a branch of the Eurasiatic family, ‘Amerind is
related to Eurasiatic as a whole’, and is no closer to
Nancy Holder, Karen Chance, P. N. Elrod, Rachel Vincent, Rachel Caine, Jeanne C. Stein, Susan Krinard, Lilith Saintcrow, Cheyenne McCray, Carole Nelson Douglas, Jenna Black, L. A. Banks, Elizabeth A. Vaughan