State Violence
the most hurtful things to people who suffered and knew the truth. The British army version was what the people in charge of the British media wanted themselves; so they would not speak out the truth.
    â€˜Fr Denis Faul and I tried to break through on this many times: we had to resort to writing our own pamphlets – on the murders of Leo Norney, Peter Cleary, Majella O’Hare, Brian Stewart, for example ... the eleven men killed by the SAS in the past year. Which of the media has undertaken that? They are guilty by their silence and omission. These are the big sins of the British media.
    â€˜We are convinced that a D notice was served on the British papers at the time of internment and the torture of the hooded men in August 1971. The Sunday Times was given statements on the cases of the Hooded Men weeks before they printed it. John Whale then got the scoop of the year – and was honoured as journalist of the year – although this information was available weeks before it was printed.
    â€˜On the question of torture and brutality one could only break through occasionally in the British media (nothing to compare with the immense time and orchestration of media for the Peace People). Again one had to resort to one’s own pamphlets – The Hooded Men, British Army and Special Branch RUC Brutalities, The Castlereagh File, The Black and Blue Book.
    â€˜Catholic papers like The Tablet and The Catholic Herald would print little or nothing. The Tablet refused information from me, even though I got a letter of recommendation. The Belfast Telegraph also refused copy on torture.
    â€˜The first time the BBC television approached Fr Denis Faul was six years after the ‘troubles’ had started – and then for a programme on abortion. He asked them where they were for the last six years.
    â€˜The same is true now on prison conditions. The British media still accept Mason’s lie that the punishments in H Block are self-inflicted (as they accepted that torture was self-inflicted despite Strasbourg and the Amnesty Reports). So we resort to our own publications on the prisons – Whitelaw’s Tribunals, The Flames of Long Kesh, The Iniquity of Internment, H Block.
    â€˜In short, only occasionally and at a late stage do the media take an interest in the serious problems of violations of human rights in the north of Ireland. On the rare occasion they do act it is of infinite value – for example, Keith Kyle’s programme on Bernard O’Connor, ITV’s A Question of Torture , and the recent Nationwide programme on H Block.
    â€˜Truth is a pillar of peace. The media have failed us utterly over ten years’.
The Royal Ulster Constabulary

    After the Metropolitan Police the RUC is the largest police force in Great Britain and Northern Ireland. In 1970 the force had 3,500 officers. Its full establishment in 1992 is 13,450 officers, of whom 8,500 are regular members, 3,250 full-time reserve officers and 1,700 part-time reservists. Fewer than 8% of the RUC are Catholic, a lower proportion than at the start of the conflict in 1968. This is not acceptable.
    There are probably between 200 and 300 RUC officers in Armagh city. I could not name one and I doubt if a dozen Catholics would know a single RUC officer in the Armagh district.
    The RUC station is a forbidding place – a barracks. Millions of pounds have been spent in barricading police within protected compounds. Only utter necessity would persuade any Catholic to call there. Is physical force the only way to protect the RUC against the IRA? Could the millions of pounds have been spent in breaking down prejudice barriers rather than setting up ugly fortresses in ‘Indian’ territory?
    The last thing a nationalist in difficulty in Armagh city wants to do is to seek the help of the RUC. Necessity – arising from prosecution or as an insurance requirement, forces some contact. It is common knowledge in the area

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