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different boys who wanted to learn magic from him is translated in chapter 7.
    This episode might be compared with part of the story about Galdra-Loftur in which he is supposed to have committed one of his most depraved acts—raising the draugur (ghost) of Bishop Gottskálk in an effort to take from his ghost the famous “black book,” Rauðskinna, which had been buried with him. Not much is known of the historical Loftur other than that he was a scholar at the school of Hólar and he died in 1722. Galdra-Loftur is generally regarded as a kind of Icelandic Faust whose major “sin” lies in his insatiable desire for more knowledge and power. A translation of a passage from this folktale is presented in chapter 7 of this book as well.
    As a result of Iceland’s unique church organization during the Catholic period, together with the general isolation of the country from Continental affairs, the practice of magic was not officially persecuted or prosecuted during that time. The Inquisition became active on the Continent following Pope Innocent III’s bull of 1199. This papal bull was primarily directed against what were believed to be organized heretics. Over time its authority widened to include sorcery, even when heresy was not involved, as was made clear in a bull by Pope Nicholas V in 1451. But even this failed to penetrate the dark mists of Thule. This phenomenon is probably in large part due to the fact that in Iceland it was clergymen themselves who were most actively engaged in sorcery!
    Later on Protestants on the Continent were no less severe in dealing with witchcraft than the Catholic Inquisition had been, and in many cases they were more devastating since their focus on individuals and small groups tended to lead to indiscriminate persecutions. It was under the cover of the Reformation that real witchcraft persecutions came to Iceland. These persecutions never reached the genocidal levels known on the Continent, and especially in Germany, where hundreds of thousands were executed, but they are still historically significant for the small country of Iceland.
    Some of the moral attitudes demonstrated by Icelanders toward magic being either good or evil may also go back to pagan sentiments. It would be a great mistake and error to assume that in pre-Christian times there was no such thing as “evil magic.” Many of the spells of Óðinn reflected in the “Hávamál” are directed against evil sorcerers or witches. Clearly in pagan times the good was judged to be that which promoted the general welfare and defended humans, productive animals, crops, and so on. Evil was thought to be that which was destructive of good things or detrimental to the general welfare of the people, animals, or life in general. In Christian times, by contrast, the “good” was judged to be that which promoted the interests and dogmas of the church, and evil was anything set against these. The morality of the Icelandic magician was generally that of the pagan past, with little regard for the sources of the symbolism used.
    The earliest trial for witchcraft in Iceland is recorded in 1554; the last such trial is recorded at the Althing of 1720. It must be said that records were poorly kept in this period, but it is estimated that during this time some 350 trials were held, although records for only 125 survive. Of these 125 accused persons, only 9 were women. *9 Obviously this is in stark contrast to the usual pattern of witchcraft accusations and suggests something of the demographics of actual magical practice in Iceland. It is also a general reflection of established Germanic tradition, where men were at least the equal of women when it came to the “occult” arts. Records exist for only twenty-six executions for witchcraft. These were mostly carried out by burning. Of the cases against female witches, only one woman was actually executed. Others who were convicted of