air
power, even if the Turks open their arms and invite them to Istanbul. It should
not be a concern. That failing, we can simply take Istanbul, and the Dardanelles
and Bosporus with it. We already have troops on the Turkish frontier. That is a
scant 230 kilometers to Istanbul. Terrain favors the defense there, but an
aggressive an imaginative plan could prevail. The Turkish Army is no match for
us, and once we link up with the Orenburg Federation, Volkov’s forces in the
Caucasus can be moved to the Turkish border. That will give them more than
enough reason to shun Sergei Kirov. They may even be persuaded to join with us,
and no further campaign would be necessary.”
“The British would do everything
in their power to prevent that. What should we do about them, Manstein? Should
I take Crete as OKW suggests?”
“Those are defensive measures
more than anything else. Quite frankly, I believe the British will move against
the Vichy French in Syria as soon as they can—that, and the issue of Iraq, will
soon be uppermost in their minds. If I were the British commander, I would use
Cyrenaica as a defensive buffer, and move as many troops against Syria as
possible. Once I eliminate the French there, I secure my right flank, effect a
conjunction with Turkey, protect the oil in Iraq and Iran, and open all those
lines of communication even into Persia. Where is the largest oil field in the
world? Right there in Iraq at Baba Gurgur near Kirkuk. That is what the British
wish to hold, or at the very least deny us access. Where else can Britain
operate? They certainly won’t invade Portugal any time soon, or attempt any
campaign against French West Africa. Your buildup in Libya will prevent them
from entering Tripolitania. So they will have no choice but to operate as I
describe, and seize Syria and Iraq before the notion to do so enters our minds.”
“You propose I send German troops
to stop them? How would I get them there?”
“There are only two ways,” said
Manstein. “You can either wait for Rommel to build up enough strength to move
again on land, or go there by air and sea. The former will take months, the
latter is complicated by the fact that we cannot fly troops from airfields in
Greece, because Tripoli in Lebanon is beyond the range of our Ju-52 transports.
This means we must seize a new outpost first, to become a staging zone within
range of Palestine and Syria.”
“This is why OKW suggests this
plan against Crete.”
“Well enough, but it will take
time, and will most likely hand the British Syria, Lebanon and Iraq—possibly
even Iran. If OKW is really serious about this axis of attack on Egypt, then
they should see the bird they already have in hand! We already have Rhodes, or
at least the Italians occupy that place. That is well within the range of our
JU-52s from bases around Athens. Move Student’s troops there, and use that as
your springboard to land anywhere you choose—Crete, Cyprus, even Lebanon or
Syria. Yes, it is over 700 kilometers to the Levant from Rhodes, but remember,
the planes do not have to return. They can land at Vichy held air bases, all
within range of our Ju-52s.”
“Yet only Student’s troops?”
“They might do in the short run
to bolster the French, particularly if Rommel builds up and rattles his sword
in Libya to keep the British preoccupied there. Another infantry division might
be added. Yet two or three divisions isn’t much, no matter how good the troops
are. Don’t expect the Fallschirmjagers to march on Alexandria. And moving
anything more substantial through the Eastern Med by sea is risky, even if we
could find the ships to do so. The Royal Navy demonstrated that in these recent
engagements, and Raeder has not been able to guarantee naval supremacy yet.
That may change, these rocket weapons the British have aside, but then again it
may not come to pass. This means anything you send to Syria will have to be
supplied by the French. Don’t you see, my