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been until the Carlton Group came on board.
    Looking at his watch, Harvath decided Mansoor Aleem had been marinating long enough. It was time to begin the interrogation.

CHAPTER 8

     
    T he best interrogators knew that the most effective tool at their disposal was time. Left alone long enough, a prisoner’s mind would do half an interrogator’s work for him, if not more. No matter what horrors you could conceive of inflicting on a prisoner, the prisoner himself would always conceive of much worse. That was why Harvath liked to leave his interrogation subjects isolated and alone for as long as possible.
    Interrogation was a delicate art. The key was getting the subject to tell you what you wanted to know, not what he thought you wanted to hear. A good interrogator operated like a surgeon; he wielded a scalpel, not a machete.
    Only amateurs and the incredibly desperate actually resorted to true torture. And true torture was not turning up the air-conditioning, putting a subject in a stress posture, shaking him by his shirtfront, or giving him an open-handed slap across the face. Those were harsh interrogation techniques. They were not torture. Harvath knew the difference. He had used harsh interrogation techniques. He had also used torture.
    And while he had never taken pleasure in it, it wasn’t something he had a moral problem with.
    Torture was something he had used only as an absolute last resort. He loved to hear TV pundits and others cite the Geneva and Hague conventions. Putting aside the fact that most of them had never read any of those treaties, the key fact that they all missed was that America’s Islamist enemies were not a party to these agreements. What’s more, the conventions strictly forbade combatants from hiding and attacking from within civilian populations. Lawful combatants were also required to appear on the battlefield wearing something, whether a uniform or even just an armband, identifying them as combatants—overgrown beards and high-water pants didn’t count.
    The long and short of it was that if one party refused to sign on and follow the rules, it couldn’t expect any sort of protection from those rules. And as far as Harvath was concerned, those who championed the extension of Geneva and Hague to Islamic terrorists were uninformed at best and apologists for terrorists at worst. Believing his country to be made up of good, reasonable people, he preferred to put the terrorist protectors in the former category.
    Harvath never allowed himself to underestimate the capabilities or determination of America’s enemies. He had looked directly into the eyes of some of the most capable warriors Islam had dispatched, and he saw not only the depth of their conviction, but also the depth of their hate for the West and everything it stood for. There would be no truce with Islam. And while there were indeed good, decent Muslim people around the world, there were not enough of them. They lacked the collective will and desire to not only stand up to the violence being carried out in their name, but to reform the very tenets of their religion that called for that violence.
    This was not how Harvath wished the world to be, but the world cared little for what he wanted. It was what it was. Harvath had shouldered a Herculean burden on behalf of his country so that it might remain free and unmolested. Though many others were also responsible for the fact that America remained free, Harvath found particular shame in the fact that it had not remained unmolested.
    Attacks on Americans and American interests both at home and abroad had been picking up speed. For every attack that was thwarted and every terrorist taken off the street, ten, twenty, even thirty more popped up in their place. As more attacks had been put in play, some had begun getting through—even to American soil. A handful of those attacks had been Harvath’s responsibility to stop. He hadn’t always been able to do so. And while the attacks