Austerlitz: Napoleon and the Eagles of Europe
absence of three years and resumed his more belligerent stance. Pitt was determined to counter the threat of French invasion, and welcomed this new dialogue with Russia.
    In Paris, the plot against Bonaparte’s life focused attention on the vulnerability of his position and created an opportunity for open discussion onthe question of hereditary rule. The argument that its introduction would negate the benefits of Bonaparte’s assassination to any conspirators and provide an effective block to any Bourbon return gained much support, and within two months of d’Enghien’s death, the Senate conferred the title of ‘emperor of the French’ on Bonaparte. The date of 2 December 1804 was set for a magnificent coronation, and First Consul Bonaparte became Emperor Napoleon. On the streets of Paris the failure of the Bourbon conspirators gave rise to the witty adage: ‘They came to France to give her a king, and instead gave her an emperor.’ The old established rulers of Europe looked on with heightened disdain.
    Russia’s overtures to Prussia in May 1804 brought about a secret declaration of support if France attempted new inroads into German territory. The following month government ministers in London and St Petersburg were in the early stages of discussing a grand alliance involving Russia, Britain, Austria, Sweden, and if negotiations went well, with Prussia too. But when talks began in earnest, in September, it soon became clear that British and Russian aims were divergent. Russia looked to the establishment of lasting European peace based on a balance of power, secured by Britain and Russia on either flank. But her views on the redrawing of national boundaries on the natural lines of rivers, mountains, and seas were strongly opposed by Britain, which demanded the return of France to her pre-Revolutionary boundaries. And while Russia hoped France would respond positively to a final chance for reconciliation, Pitt remained adamant that only a victorious war would bring peace to Europe: one, of course, that deflected the weight of a threatened French invasion away from Britain’s shores.
    During the course of these difficult negotiations Czartoryski confided: ‘We had to make England understand that the wish to fight Napoleon was not in itself sufficient to establish an indissoluble bond between her government and that of St Petersburg.’ Yet Russia did give ground to Britain, aware that without her essential financial subsidies the armies of Europe could never uphold the threat of military action. After weeks of discussion, Britain presented a written response to Russia’s recommendation, which, with elegant diplomatic chicanery, purported to agree with the principles of the Russian proposal, before proceeding to amend them. It arrived at St Petersburg in February 1805.
    While these discussions slowly progressed, other diplomatic moves saw Sweden terminate friendly relations with France in September 1804 and sign an agreement with Britain in December. Austria and Russia moved closer together too. In a letter to Kaiser Francis, Alexander excited Austrian fears when he wrote of France gaining strength from the isolation of the great powers, adding that: ‘Bonaparte has no other rule of conduct than an unquenchable thirst of power, coupled with a desire for universal dominion.’ With the Austrian army still lacking the cohesion, organisation, and manpower to present a determined defence against French aggression, Francis agreed atreaty with Russia in November that provided for mutual support against French aggression. Three months earlier he had taken the opportunity to strengthen his own position by relinquishing the fading dignity of the crumbling Holy Roman Empire. This dated assemblage of German territories, owing limited allegiance to the Habsburg monarchy, no longer held its former strength and inroads by France along the Rhine further threatened its 900-year existence. Already, some fifty years earlier, the

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